Ethnobotany, which is a combination of folk botany, anthropology, and plant ethnography, is considered an independent field that can continue to exist without the help of modern botany. However, utilizing new sciences such as botany, traditional food science, modern nutrition science, agricultural economics, and plant geography alongside ethnobotany can help complement and improve this field. This article, considering the aforementioned approach, focuses on a plant that is important in several parts of Iran. This study is the result of the author's long-term effort and in-depth fieldwork in collaboration with more than fifteen diligent students from the Faculty of Social Sciences over the past twenty-five years. It focuses on an important plant in several parts of Iran. The aim of this research was to provide a blueprint (pattern) and a map (inscription) for Iranian plants in the form of a case study. For this purpose, the vegetative territory of this plant and its place in the oral literature, beliefs, and norms of people in various regions, including the East and West Azerbaijan provinces, Kermanshah, Ilam, and parts of Zanjan, Isfahan, Hamedan, Lorestan, and Markazi provinces, have been researched. Based on field experiences and extensive library studies, this research has traced the growing area of this plant, estimated to be about one-fifth of Iran's territory, and has recorded the remains and remnants of the subculture of collecting and consuming it, especially during years of famine, abundance, and scarcity. In addition to these findings, this research presents a set of cultural values surrounding this plant in Iran and offers a new analysis of superstition, concluding that at least some beliefs considered superstitions today likely originated from the advanced thinking of sages and society as a means to influence and control children, who had limited knowledge, as well as the ignorant of their time.